Indigenous Leadership in a Time of Crisis – by Patrisia Gonzales
Greetings to my colleagues at NAISA. I write as someone whose families for centuries crossed back and forth what we know today as the U.S.-Mexico border – Kickapoo, Comanche, Nahua and the unknown tribes of my relatives who were in Texas before it was a state or a country. My grandmother, who was Kickapoo and Macehual or Mexican Indian, was detained in Mexico when her fathered died. Though she birthed 10 children in the U.S. and was a Native woman, she was prevented from returning for six months because she couldn’t prove she had been born or where, because she had no birth certificate. This was during the deportations that occurred in the 1950s. I am one of the original members of the Indigenous Alliance without Borders, based in Tucson, which is comprised of members whose tribal lands are divided by this border. We meet regularly to strategize about the rights of mobility of Indigenous peoples. We grapple with the thousands of peoples who have died crossing the border, with elders who are mistreated, with Indigenous peoples who need translation in courts because they primarily speak a language other than Spanish.

I recognize that these are complex issues before us. I want to recognize the efforts and exchanges on the blog as part of the dynamic process of committed peoples. I think all of us, no matter our perspectives, share in the goals of justice and human decency. I concur with Simon Ortiz and others who call upon a process that more fully engages all the membership. I also recognize there may be other solutions and options (not yet thought of) to creating an organized and collective process to respond to the various legislation. There are unforeseen consequences, such as possible low attendance. Already, Colorado, Texas and some states in the South are contemplating similar measures. I believe that by creating the process now, NAISA can initiate a more productive manner for members to discuss these issues. Waiting until Saturday and the two hours allotted to officially discuss this topic will likely feed frustrations; the movement and organizing that will be pursued by people inspired to act may overwhelm the present agenda, so why not create some order that will benefit our community of scholars and facilitate our need as Indigenous peoples and thinkers and peoples of conscience to apply our knowledge in a productive way? We’ve already devoted a great amount of time discussing how NAISA should proceed instead of focusing on what has drawn us into this situation. The transformation of the conference does not mean that all panels would be suspended or revamped but that there would be a thoughtful approach to press conferences, collective processes and spaces for dialogue. In the latest development, the Tucson City Council voted to sue the state and local organizers are saying that Tucson can be a site for conferences for organizations and educators if they transform their conferences. By creating a strong process for dialogue and strategies internally, NAISA can better respond to various scenarios and demonstrate a commitment to justice as stated in our association’s letter to Gov. Brewer. We must also consider how to make international visitors or any of our visiting members feel safe. Part of that safe space is created through clear articulations and clarity in actions.
Additionally, regardless of the council’s actions, we as NAISA members are NAISA. Some of us locally are already transforming our panel. In our discussions as a panel, we felt that in this historic moment, what we had planned to present pales before the gravity of the situation. How many more people will feel as if they cannot concentrate or be fully present or will feel conflicted about the best course of actions while at NAISA? I am giving up my time on our panel to Yaqui ceremonial leader and elder, Jose Matus, who is executive director of the Indigenous Alliance without Borders. Damian Baca is giving up his time for one of the Indigenous students who were arrested last week. I call on others in other panels to think of providing time for local organizers and activists, such as human rights attorney Isabel Garcia, who has received frequent death threats, and human rights elder and scholar Raquel Rubio Goldsmith. Either Roberto Rodriguez or I can provide a list of the numerous activists on the ground. Tonight, for instance, youth are creating a human chain around their high school in an all night vigil to protect their ethnic studies program. There are other small but significant acts of resistance—in addition to the venues already suggested, I recommend members frequent several Indigenous restaurants on Fourth Ave.: la Indita, owned by a Purepecha woman who is a Zapatista, and the Maya Quetzal, owned by a Guatemalan refugee who barely escaped death, and Martin’s Comida Chingona, which provides healthy Mexican food. Finally, given the great range of opinions on the matter, let us think of what our elders would want us to do and how our elders would want us to speak to one and other and how might our elders devise ingenious ways based on Native Intelligence to arrive at some creative solutions during a human rights crisis.
Thanks,
Patrisia Gonzales, asst. professor, Mexican American & Raza Studies and affiliated faculty at AIS, University of Arizona.